Anshif Ekkadan
Author is a Young-India fellow at Ashoka University, Haryana. This article was an outcome of the ‘Korea Centre Summer Internship Programme-2024′.
Introduction
In recent years, the landscape of international student mobility has been dynamically evolving, with South Korea emerging as an attractive destination for higher education. While traditional factors such as academic reputation, research opportunities, and career prospects continue to play a significant role in students’ decision-making processes, a unique cultural phenomenon has begun to exert a surprising influence: the Korean Wave, or “Hallyu.” The global surge in popularity of Korean pop culture, spearheaded by K-pop groups like BTS and BLACKPINK, along with Korean dramas and films, has captured the imagination of young people worldwide, particularly in India. This cultural fascination has sparked a growing interest not only in Korean entertainment but also in the country’s language, culture, and educational opportunities.
As a result, Indian student migration to South Korean universities has seen a remarkable upswing. Reports suggest that the number of Indian students in South Korea could double in 2024 compared to just two years prior. This trend has not gone unnoticed by the South Korean government and educational institutions, who have responded with strategic initiatives to capitalise on this cultural soft power. The South Korean government has introduced attractive scholarship schemes and even a specialised “Hallyu visa” to draw top global performers and K-pop enthusiasts. Meanwhile, universities have begun establishing dedicated departments focusing on the Korean entertainment industry, further cementing the link between cultural appeal and educational pursuits.
An exploration of the complex interplay between cultural globalisation, soft power, and international student mobility, with a specific focus on the impact of the Korean Wave on Indian students’ choices for higher education, is essential not only because it demands more academic attention but also for its ability to showcase the changing dynamics of migratory aspirations and drivers.
Theoretical Framework
The understanding of global migration trends has long been shaped predominantly by the perspectives derived from simplistic push-pull models and neo-classical assumptions focused on individual income maximisation. These perspectives have made it challenging to fully comprehend the diverse attitudes toward mobility. Against this backdrop, where existing social theories have proven inadequate for broadening perspectives and, despite being debunked by scholars, no alternative theoretical viewpoints have emerged, sociologist Hein de Haas attempted to generalise and systematise the existing corpus of empirical studies on migration and migrants to create a central body of theories. De Haas introduces the “aspirations-capabilities framework” to understand “migration as a function of people’s capabilities and aspirations to migrate within given sets of perceived geographical opportunity structures” (2021).
After the careful deliberation on the basis of functionalist and historical structural social theories, De Haas delineates the shortcomings of such models to properly view migration without understanding it either as people making a rational decision to nurture “a positive phenomenon contributing to productivity, prosperity and, eventually, greater equality in origin and destination societies” or it as an outcome of a “largely irrational process that would often not be in the interests of migrants themselves” but controlled by certain structural forces where the migrants are passive actors or victims. The absence of the explanations of “geographically patterned and socially differentiated nature of migration processes,” on the one hand, and the altogether disregard for human agency in migration decisions, on the other, is highly visible in such reductionist or deterministic narratives. Instead, de Haas finds “migration as a function of aspirations and capabilities to migrate within given sets of perceived geographical opportunity structures”, whereby aspirations are understood as the general, more subjective life goals of people, coupled with the opportunities they can individually avail, and capabilities are the liberty migrants have to be either mobile or immobile as a means to enhance their well-being. The level of capabilities directly influences the level of aspirations.
De Haas’s approach challenges certain conventional notions held by migration theorists and underscores some vital issues regarding the migratory agency. He clearly explains that: “people’s perceptions of the ‘good life’ and, hence, their life aspirations, vary hugely across different social and cultural contexts. In addition, such aspirations are anything but fixed and tend to change as people move through their life course and as societies change. Depending on people’s subjective life aspirations as well as their (equally) subjective perceptions of opportunities ‘here’ and ‘there’, they may – or may not – develop a desire to migrate.” So, it is misleading to state that people within similar socio-economic conditions will have similar responses to factors often considered migration drivers. De Haas takes the analysis into a more meticulous understanding of migrants’ desires by stating that: “people do not uniquely migrate out of an instrumental ‘means-to-an-end’ desire to achieve aspired levels of wealth or living standards but may also value migration for more intrinsic reasons – such as wanderlust, curiosity and an innate desire to break free and discover new horizons. This means that not only the ‘functional’ but also the intrinsic, subjective value which people ascribe to mobility should be given a serious place in migration theory.”
This is reflective of the fact that there are certain socio-psychological wants that people may wish to fulfil by migrating, which are often overlooked in the reductionist/ deterministic categorisations of migrations drivers that certain people are often wrongly assigned into. It suggests that, especially in the realm of student migration, the understanding of the phenomenon must be decoupled from the assumption that the quality and condition of the educational sector in the origin country, or if at all education, are the primary reasons why a student moves abroad. This study utilises this theoretical framework to contextualise one of such drivers behind a distinctive and growing trend of student migration, without letting the nuanced nature of the phenomenon go unaddressed, to have a comprehensive understanding of migration processes in general.
Student Migration To Korea
South Korea has mostly been studied as an origin country of international (student) migration in most literature. Its active participation in international migration has been researched in terms of its role as one of the largest source countries sending students abroad for several decades. The “utility of English language instruction, the excessively competitive environment for college entrance in South Korea, and the excessive expenditure for private tutoring in South Korea” have been identified as some of the reasons for this trend (Son, 2011). However, in the last decade, South Korea has become a major recipient of student migrants from different parts of the world. But the understanding of South Korea as a destination is either understudied or the limited studies existing have focused primarily on the significance of learning as a catalyst for such decisions, as evidenced by studies on the experiences of Global Korea Scholarship (GKS) recipients (Istad et al. 2021; Lee and Snow 2021).
Just as the intentions of migrants are not universal and are influenced by several interconnected factors, so too are the motivations of students migrating to Korea, which are driven by various subjective and structural reasons. Employment, education, accessibility to admission, research opportunities, better career growth, preferred educational courses, and greater exposure, among others, are often considered major reasons for student migration (Deshmukh and Sankpal 2022). However, trying to uncover the factors behind the growing migration of students to South Korea gives us a glimpse of how nuanced are the migration drivers and learning is only one part of the spectrum. The rise of the Korean cultural wave, accentuated by increased access to digital devices and exposure to social media and streaming platforms, play a major role in nurturing the interest in visiting Korea. The trend was also bolstered by various social institutions and practices in the form of a growing number of immigration agencies, scholarship websites, universities, and language institutes, promoting and providing facilities and support for aspiring students. Even the Korean government successfully capitalised on this trend by implementing policies and establishing systems with diplomatic intentions.
The Global Appeal of K-Culture
Especially in recent years, there has been a global surge of interest in Korean culture, broadly encompassing music, dance, food, lifestyle, fashion, consumer behaviour, dramas, and films developed in South Korea. Known as the Korean Wave or Hallyu, this phenomenon has swept through different parts of the world, creating an unprecedented attraction to all things Korean. This “cultural invasion” was not only ubiquitous in digital spaces but also significantly impacted the demographic profile of Korea as a considerable number of people from around the world started to travel to Korea to stay and engage with the culture, society, and language they had previously only experienced virtually (Civinini 2018). What initially started as an obsession among K-pop fans with the pulsating music, dynamic dance moves, and attractive singers soon became a gateway to exploring other aspects of Korean culture more tangibly. A significant composition of this population is the youth, who were the primary consumers of Korean cultural products. In addition to making trips to Korea, they found enrolling in Korean universities a viable way to immerse themselves in the culture that captivated them.
An article by The Korea Times (Hyun-kyung 2018) shares anecdotes of foreign students from different nationalities identifying K-pop as the key driver behind their decision to study in Korea. Those who have experienced K-pop and become fans often want to visit Korea at least once in their lifetime or stay long enough to fully immerse themselves in the culture. The fact that there are students who would never have considered Korea as a place worth migrating to if not for their exposure to or obsession with K-pop underscores the need for a more nuanced approach to understanding student migrations, one that goes beyond traditional push-pull factors. The article distinguishes between drama fans, who pioneered the Hallyu migration, and K-pop migrants, stating that the latter are “are younger and their purposes are also different. Drama fans tend to come here for several days to look around the country, but K-pop migrants stay longer for study or work and they want to know more about the country.” (Hyun-kyung 2018). This substantiates what De Haas stated about the necessity of studies considering “not only the ‘functional’ but also the intrinsic, subjective value which people ascribe to mobility” because it is not always the statistical inferences of the number of students moving abroad that provide a proper picture, but also “wanderlust, curiosity and an innate desire to break free and discover new horizons,” or even the desire to see one’s favourite singer, that can drive migration.
The Indian Surge in K-Universities
The widespread appeal of K-pop and K-culture has also led to a surge in Indian students considering South Korea as a destination for higher education. Indian students are increasingly drawn to South Korean universities, with the number expected to double in 2024 compared to two years ago (Verma 2024). This surge can be attributed to the increased exposure to various Korean entertainment content during the COVID-19 period, when people were left with their own devices and the entertainment industry offered a diverse set of consumption options. Reports show a remarkable surge in K-drama viewing among Indian audiences, as Netflix saw an unprecedented 370 per cent increase in K-drama viewership in 2020 compared to the previous year, and a significant shift in the popularity of the South Korean boy band BTS among English music listeners. In January 2020, before the pandemic, BTS was ranked 68th with around 780,000 streams. By October of that year, however, their position had jumped to eighth place, with over 2.3 million streams (Nag 2023). This surge in popularity clearly shows the immense growth in the fan base for BTS and their music, as more and more audiences have embraced their unique sound and captivating performances.
Students fascinated with K-pop are often seen learning the Korean language as a hobby or enrolling in Korean language courses online or offline. This interest and the advantage they gain may propel them to pursue higher education in Korea. The Hallyu wave intersecting with higher education in India can also be observed in the activities of already migrated students who work as ambassadors, attracting and assisting more K-culture fans to South Korean universities. Data shows that as of 2024, there are around 1,500 Indian students (out of the 12,000 Indians living there) currently pursuing education in Korea, and this number is likely to increase rather than diminish (Gogoi 2024). Even though Indian students’ fascination with migrating to the US, UK, or Canada has not subsided, there is a staggering growth in interest in Korea as a dream destination among students from high school age onwards. The association they find with the online fandom of the boy band BTS, known as “ARMY” (Adorable Representative M.C. for Youth), and the constant engagement with various activities that help them immerse in their enthusiasm have deeply ingrained a behaviour that sometimes borders on irrationality, especially when they assume that moving to Korea is a viable way to personally engage with their idols, which is often not the case.
Structural Factors in K-Migration
It is erroneous to assume that the students’ aspirations alone ensure the possibility of migration, regardless of the structural factors at play. Applying Amartya Sen’s capabilities framework to migration, Hein de Haas defines human mobility as “people’s capability (freedom) to choose where to live – including the option to stay – instead of a more or less automated, passive and ‘cause-and-effect’ response to a set of static push and pull factors.” This capability is determined by several socio-political and economic infrastructures in which migrants exist. The “geographically patterned and socially differentiated nature of migration processes” always disrupts the straightforward, essentializing explanation of migration solely in terms of individual motivations. As de Haas states, “People’s ability to make independent migration choices is constrained by states and other structures such as family, community, networks, and culture, which ultimately determine the social, economic, and human resources that people are able and willing to deploy to migrate” (de Haas 2021).
The necessity of conceptualising “the role of states, businesses, recruiters, and other migration intermediaries” (2021) and social institutions is also relevant in framing a proper picture of student migration to Korea. Although motivated by the K-culture they find fascinating, the expected migration patterns cannot be actualised without the existence of several contributing factors. One such important factor is South Korea’s highly positive approach to attracting skills from diverse parts of the world. The Korean government not only supports immigration but also capitalises on the K-craze by adopting attractive policies and practices to facilitate student mobility. In the summer of 2023, the country’s Ministry of Education announced the 300K Project, aiming to attract 300,000 international students by 2027. They are also working to ease language requirements and permanent residency applications. South Korea’s inclusive attitude is evident from the South Korean ambassador to India, who stated that the nation considers the education sector significant for strong bilateral relations and a promising future through educational cooperation (Dikshit 2024). The strengthening of academic, technological, and cultural collaborations between India and South Korea has further solidified diplomatic ties, making South Korea an attractive destination for Indian students.
Recognizing the potential of soft power and cultural influence, the South Korean government has introduced several initiatives to attract international students and K-culture enthusiasts. To tap into the growing interest in Korean entertainment and performing arts, South Korea launched the “Hallyu Visa,” which permits non-Koreans enrolled in local performing arts academies to stay in the country for up to two years (Kelleher 2024). Proud of its educational excellence, high literacy rate, and top-ranking universities, South Korea also attracts international students through prestigious scholarships. The Global Korean Scholarship, awarded to motivated international students, plays a significant role in enhancing students’ migratory capabilities. This fully funded scholarship provides students the opportunity to study at leading Korean universities and immerse themselves in the language and culture. The South Korean government actively rolls out the red carpet for Indian students by offering a quota of 101 seats out of 2,200 for Indian students in the 2024 intake. Furthermore, Korean universities are planning to establish a department specialising in Korea’s entertainment industry, known as the Global Entertainment Department. This department will be open exclusively to international students and will offer courses in areas such as the Korean entertainment industry, film, music, webtoons, and games (Lee 2024).
In addition to the supportive measures by the South Korean government, the proactive response from the Indian government and educational institutions also contributes to the situation conducive for student migration to Korea. The inclusion of East Asian languages in India’s National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 addresses the rising interest in South Korea. The Korean training program initiated at JNU to train local students, along with Korean studies and language programs offered by central and private universities, and the signing of MoUs between prominent Korean universities and Indian institutions, as well as collaborative research in science and technology, all demonstrate the distinctive ways in which India diplomatically engages with the Korean craze (Priyanka 2023).
Conclusion
Framing student migration to South Korea as entirely predicated on fans’ obsession with a foreign culture overlooks the complexity of the issue and is not the point of this article. The fact that students migrate to Korea with the expectation of a quality education and job market exposure is undeniable. While the initial allure of K-pop and K-culture may serve as the gateway for many international students, South Korean universities expect them to be serious about academics once enrolled. The efforts students make to achieve the GKS and other forms of funding also demonstrate the level of academic and professional commitment required for a satisfactory experience abroad. However, the assumption that student migration is entirely driven by push-pull factors to which migrants react deliberately to advance their circumstances, or that their choices are passively determined by existing oppressive structures, is thwarted by the nuanced aspirations of K-pop migrants, as detailed in this article.
However, student migration to Korea is not devoid of impediments or limitations. Higher education in Korea is considerably more expensive compared to India, with tuition fees for courses in public universities starting at over Rs 1.5 lakh per semester. Fees at private universities generally begin at Rs 2.5 lakh per semester and can climb even higher depending on the program. Living expenses, excluding rent, reach at least Rs 50,000 per month. Also, the negative image of the belligerent North Korea across the border remains a counterpoint to the growing appeal of South Korea as a destination. In conclusion, the meteoric rise of K-pop and K-culture in India has significantly influenced student migration patterns to Korea, and this trend is facilitated by various interconnected factors, inviting attention to the complex interplay between cultural attraction and practical considerations.
Reference
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