Vanshika Yadav
Author is a Post-graduate Student at the Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University. This article was an outcome of the ‘Korea Centre Summer Internship Programme-2024′.
Abstract
The following essay examines Korean culture’s influence on perceptions of masculinity in India, specifically K-pop. It attempts to explore how Korean masculinities are constructed, represented, and consumed by an Indian audience. Shaped by a blend of traditional and contemporary influences, Korean media presents a “softer” and more androgynous image. This stands in stark contrast to popular Indian masculinity, which often demands displays of dominance and aggression. Indian fans of K-pop navigate these contrasting representations, usually facing stigma and marginalization. While some fans adopt strategies like disidentification to manage their public and private identities, the broader impact on Indian masculinity remains limited. Instead of a radical shift, K-pop consumption leads to a nuanced engagement where fans enjoy the media without any change in the rigid gender norms. The analysis underscores that while K-Pop challenges traditional gender norms to some extent, it does not significantly disrupt the power entrenched in the performance of masculinity.
Introduction
When we consider the discourse around gender and masculinity, it is essential to note the integral role of media in constructing and disseminating the hegemonic paradigms. Moreover, to understand masculinity in the contemporary globalized world one has to account for the blurred boundaries of cultures and the categories of social reality defined by it. Among the various cultures that have established a strong influence over others in this process, Korean culture has engulfed the globalized world in the Hallyu Wave. The movement has evidently influenced consumption patterns across national boundaries.
The South Korean government has strived to build its soft power through cultural diplomacy. Investments in production have enhanced the quality and marketing of the media products. Korean consumers often behave as prosumers (Lee and Lee, 2007 as cited in Parc & Moon, 2013, p.140) making online pressure groups to push drama writers to change storylines. They actively share opinions on blogs and market the content. While these consumers play a unique role, international activities, such as expanding demand, competing against foreign dramas and films, enhancing the computer graphic industry, and adjusting themes to meet foreign preferences, strengthen each stride of the wave. Presently, Korea’s cultural wave forms a “virtuous circle” (Parc & Moon, 2013, p.146) wherein its cultural consumption has improved tourism and further strengthened the wave.
India is not unruffled by the phenomenon. With Indians binge-watching K-dramas, Netflix has witnessed a massive spike of 370 percent in its viewership in 2020 (Sharma, 2021). However, an interesting concern arises from the disparity between traditional Indian masculine ideals and those portrayed in Korean mass media. Consequentially, some questions emerge, which we will attempt to answer in this essay. First, what is the difference between the demonstrated masculinities, if any? How are these masculinities interpreted by the consumers? What implication does it have on the overall category of masculinity and the consumers’ subjectivities? The following essay will use existing literature and interactions observed on online forums to dissect the meanings of masculinities among Indian K-pop consumers.
Historical Evolution of Korean and Indian Masculinity
Judith Butler’s (2002) theory of gender performativity posits that gender is not a fixed identity but rather a performance constructed per societal expectations. These very acts of performing gender constitute one’s gendered identity. What constitutes masculinity, therefore, is determined by the actions engendered by men under specific spatio-temporal constraints. When we attempt to understand masculinity, we need to note that it is also a process of “naturalization of the category man” (Srivastava, 2022, p.5) through which men “come to be regarded as both un-gendered and the ‘universal subject of human history’” (O’Hanlon, 1997 as cited in Srivastava, 2022, p.5). The embodied traits of masculinity are posited as antithetical and superior to femininity. Simultaneously, men who deviate from the norm are deemed inferior. This hierarchization and power imbalance provides fertile ground for the actualization of patriarchy. Patriarchy and masculinity share a symbiotic relation wherein “patriarchy ‘makes’ men superior, (while) masculinity is the process of producing superior men” (Srivastava, 2022, p.6).
Although there are some general commonalities in masculinity’s relationship with femininity, it is pertinent to recognize the specificities of the enactment in specific socio-historical contexts. Therefore, when we consider the consumption patterns of Korean masculinity in the Indian context, we must account for the culturally diverse conceptualizations of masculinity in the two regions.
If we consider the case of Korea, historically, religion has played an integral role in shaping the ideals of masculinity. The doctrines of Shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Christianity emphasized values like self-sacrifice and unwavering loyalty. Neo-Confucianism was also a dominant philosophy that shaped the notion of an ideal Korean man: a “virtuous, patriotic gentleman” who prioritized duty and national sacrifice. However, the manifestation of masculinity was not monolithic. There were evident variations based on class. The upper class traditionally valued self-control and adherence to ritual norms, while the lower class emphasized physical strength in battle as the determinant of masculinity (Tikhonov, 2007, p. 1029).
Religion is not the only determinant. Masculinity has been shaped by historical and geopolitical forces, including military and colonial systems. Ju Hui Judy Han and Jennifer Jihye Chun (2014) note how the Japanese Imperial Army’s use of “comfort stations” (referring to sexual slavery) during World War II and the ongoing impact of US military camp towns have reinforced gendered notions of masculinity and femininity, creating a dichotomy between strength and weakness. It is evident that “preferential treatment for male job seekers continues to shape the material realities of gender discrimination”. The institutional support for a binary gender system through the family, military, and legal frameworks has perpetuated control and inequality.
Scholars like S. Jung (2010, as cited in Lee et al., 2020, p. 5904) have identified the emergence of ‘newly constructed hybrid Korean masculinities’. This framework positions Korean masculinity as a product of transcultural consumption. Jung argues that audiences actively engage with mixed cultural practices arising from global influences and local specificities, leading to a multifaceted reconstruction and re-identification of Korean masculinity (S. Jung, 2010, as cited in Lee et al., 2020, p. 5904)
These hybrid masculinities emerge from the complex interplay of established and evolving forms. Traditional hegemonic masculinity in Korea, characterized by patriarchal structures, seonbi values (scholarly ideals), and military service, interacts with newer transnational concepts like Japanese bishonen (beautiful youth) and global metrosexuality. The emphasis on politeness and restraint within the seonbi tradition creates a foundation for combining with the contemporary aesthetics of the Japanese bishonen, resulting in a hybrid that resonates with audiences (Nara, 2024).
The hybrid masculinities of K-pop male idols are categorized into two broad types: Beast Idols and Flower Boys (Bhattacharyya & Maji, 2023, p.51). Beast Idols are characterized by conventional notions of masculinity, such as being physically strong and imposing. In contrast, Flower Boys possess delicate behaviors, trim figures, and gentle demeanors, i.e. “soft masculinity”. Despite these differences, both types share the need to exhibit charming dispositions to connect with their fanbase.
If we consider the Indian case, historically, colonialism transplanted the Enlightenment essentialist gender understanding rooted in reason, science, and quantification to the subcontinent. It shaped these ideas, reinforcing hegemonic masculinity and ‘feminizing’ non-European populations. In response to the colonial characterization of the ‘effeminate’ native, certain sections of the native intelligentsia tried to reclaim masculinity through various means, including the embrace of science and the construction of a masculinized Hindu identity, as opposed to the Muslim Other (Srivastava, 2022, p.24).
Other scholars like Harjant S. Gill (2024) argue that masculinity and sexuality are defined by “endogamous marriage, heteronormative family, and patriarchal kinship”. Marriage and fatherhood remain the two most important defining features of manhood. However, only a small minority of dominant-caste, upper-class Indian men fit the configurations of hegemonic masculinity perfectly. Nonetheless, as they perform gender, all Indian men benefit in one way or another from the patriarchal dividend associated with their masculinity.
Indian media is as diverse as its cultures. However, for ease of analysis, let us focus on representations of masculinity in the Bollywood cinema that has frequently claimed the largest film industry label (Jagran Film Festival, 2023). Sudhir Kakar (1990) discusses a few themes recurring among Bollywood characters. There are the Majnun-lovers, that desire a complete merger of the self and the woman, wherein the woman is denied the role of the primary actor. It is his story of devotion. Gradually we see the emergence of the “eve-teasing” hero around the 1950s, whose initial contact with women often represented sexual harassment. During the phase of rapid development and modernization, we witness the emergence of a good-bad hero popularized by the characters of Amitabh Bachchan. In unstable environments with weak cultural norms, his characters’ aggression becomes a survival mechanism, reflecting the good-bad hero archetype. The feminine character in these tropes exemplifies the low place of heterosexual love in the life of the transitional man.
Recent studies like Aysha Iqbal Viswamohan and Sanchari Basu Chaudhuri’s study note the persisting trope of Bollywood’s “angromance” (aggressive romance) analyzing movies released decades apart (Tere Naam in 2003 and Kabir Singh in 2019). While toxicity continued into the 21st century, there has been a shift towards more acceptable portrayals but the former representations have not disappeared and continue to be widely lauded. Overall, mainstream’s traditional portrayals of obsessive love and hypermasculinity continue to resonate, even as these representations face backlash in a society increasingly aware of gender-based violence.
K-Pop: A Challenge to Hegemonic Masculinity or Redefined Hegemony
The most significant form of masculinity embodied by Korean characters includes liminal forms that display the co-existence of traditionally masculine and feminine traits and create a complex and desirable image for the female gaze (Lee et al., 2020, p. 5904).
In the case of India, K-pop fans demonstrate a multifaceted appreciation for their idols. This includes admiration for the artists’ dedication, creativity, and romantic appeal. They also acknowledge the distinct presentation of masculinity within K-Pop compared to Indian male celebrities. Many have managed to find a thriving online or offline community. K-pop festivals witness a significant footfall. Presence of fans in online forums and events also points towards a thriving culture of Korean media consumption. Fandoms can be significant sources of social capital and promote individualized-identity building in a world where traditional realms of family and workplace are rapidly changing (Wei, 2019). However, there also exists a vocal disdain for the “toxic fandom”. One online account on a K-pop forum writes “K-pop is fine but the fan base is just toxic. cant take a single valid criticism without getting offended and they act all cringe about their bias and idols eww”. The fan culture that denies artists their autonomy has facilitated and exacerbated the fan-celebrity relationship. One user writes “Many underage fans think that they have their rights on a particular idol as if they are an object.”
These social pressures can lead some fans to choose not to publicly discuss their K-Pop fandom. Jeehyun Jenny Lee’s (2020) study identifies a key challenge faced by American K-pop fans: double marginalization “as their fandom is simultaneously both popular culture and a culture of the racial other” (p. 5901). Unlike fans of Western music, they grapple with the general stereotype of fandoms being deviant but also navigate the stigma associated with consuming a non-Western form of popular culture. This perception positions K-pop fandom as doubly marginalized.
A parallel comparison can be applied to Indian consumers. The association of toxicity with the fandom fuels a specific kind of shame among the fans. In India, there continues to be a strong stigma associated with consuming Korean media. Embedded in homophobia and hegemonic ideas of masculinity, fans are aware that the softer masculinity embodied by their favorite Korean artists stood in stark contrast to the traditionally rugged and hyper-masculine ideals prevalent in Indian popular culture.
Fans encounter negative labels like “weird” or “gay” used to describe both K-Pop and its audience.Non-K-pop fans perceive K-pop masculinity as ambiguous and insufficiently masculine, which not only perpetuates racial stereotypes but also reflects a narrower, culturally specific homonormative understanding of what it means to be gay.
The stigma associated with the consumption does not result in a clear boycott of the media. Many adopt a public-private divide, keeping their K-Pop fandom private, in interactions with non-fans or those perceived as unreceptive. This private identity is then expressed openly within safe spaces like online communities or K-Pop events. People create safe zones like anonymous online forums where fans can openly express their love for K-Pop. Additionally, non-Asian fans, in particular, employ “disidentification” to distance themselves from the derogatory “Koreaboo” label (Lee et al., 2020, p.5909).
The primary focus on self-preservation through strategies like disidentification demonstrates the absence of any direct challenge to underlying racial and cultural biases. There is a lack of active and vocal resistance to the imposed features of heteronormativity and hegemonic masculinity. One of the 17-year old fan notes that she experienced an internalization of the shame and stereotypes. Over time, not consciously, she has found herself gravitating towards more normative media which has facilitated the process of “fitting in” with the peers. Therefore, one can glean that there is no substantial impact of this form of media on local or macro meanings of masculinity. A multitude of consumption realities coexist. While many are able to build novel forms of communities and enhance their social capital, others relegate it to a separate realm for the individual to explore, often separated from one’s self-perception. Some might even diversify their consumption preferences or distance themselves from Korean media, consciously or unconsciously, to fit the accepted mould.
Before we conclude the analysis, we must flag that soft masculinity is not a non-patriarchal model. Gowoon Jung (2023) in “Men Who Wear Make-up: Young Korean Men’s Masculinity Management in Neoliberal Korea” analyzes the hybrid masculinities that serve to reinforce masculine power, while being deeply intertwined with the local socio-economic structure. The performance of softer forms is a smokescreen that allows men to achieve a performance of neoliberal self.
As these hybrid forms gain global recognition, it is redefining the attributes of masculinity in Korea. However, the power embedded in masculine traits remains unperturbed. This can be exemplified through some arguments. Korea is home to the 4B movement. Anna Sussman (2023) reports for The Cut that the 4 Nos of the movement include- the refusal of heterosexual marriage, childbirth, dating, and the rejection of heterosexual sexual relationships. It has become a liberating mechanism for women to live in safety. While the movement’s future is uncertain due to its novelty, it has impacted lives and initiated discourse. The presence of such a movement indicates the extent of violence inflicted on women and the violent power embodied by the dominant men. According to a 2016 Ministry of Gender Equality and Family report, the prevalence of intimate partner violence was 41.5% in South Korea, which is considerably higher than the 30% global average. With women earning 31% less than males in Korea, the country boasts the biggest gender pay gap in the world. Therefore, the veneer of hybrid-soft masculinity may not accurately reflect the lived experiences of the social actors.
Conclusion
Essentially, the standardized images of masculinity produced by the Korean media do not result in radical shifts in perceptions. The ostensibly uncritical consumption of pop culture is a careful process of strategization and disidentification wherein people create a boundary that determines the extent to which this consumption is associated with their identity. Many consumers make it a point to mention that they simply enjoy the music or story, viewing it as a form of consuming art rather than a naive acceptance of the meanings associated with it. Therefore, Korean masculinity becomes a commodity that is consciously separated from one’s self, further Othering the representations, of the racially marginalized.
While the long-term impact of K-pop on Indian masculinity remains to be seen, presently we can assume that it is not a revolutionary movement that can destabilize the gender binaries, but might have the potential to disturb the existing characteristics of the performance. Nonetheless, as the drama is enacted within the framework of patriarchy and capitalism, it is naive to hope for a drastic shift in power structures.
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